The MOBILISE project asks: When there is discontent, why do some people protest while others cross borders? Connecting theoretical expectations from the migration and protest literatures, we examine: a) whether similar factors drive the choice to migrate and/or protest at the individual level; b) how context affects this mobilisation; c) whether these choices are independent of each other or mutually reinforcing/ undermining. MOBILISE employs a multi-method (nationally representative face-to-face panel surveys, online migrant surveys, protest participant surveys, focus groups, life-history interviews, social media analysis) and a multi-sited research design. It covers Ukraine, Poland, Morocco and Brazil, which have recently witnessed large-scale emigration and protests. It follows migrants from these countries to Germany, the UK and Spain. The project offers four key innovations: 1)it combines protest and migration; 2)it captures all the relevant groups for a comparative study (protesters, migrants, migrant protesters and people who have not engaged in migration or protest); 3)it tracks individuals over time by employing a panel survey; 4)it includes the use of social media data providing real time information on the role of networks and political remittances. These features allow the project to make a major contribution to theory development in both migration and protest studies and offer key insights to policy makers on factors influencing political and economic stability.

Children of migrants are exposed to two national histories: those told in their country of residence and those relating to their family?s homeland. However, it remains unclear how the intergenerational transmission of historical views shapes the relationship migrants cultivate with ?here? and ?there?. Applying theories of intergenerational transmission and second-generation transnationalism, MoveMeRU addresses this urgent gap and compares the historical memories of migrants and non-migrants across two generations. It studies the Russian migrant population in a favourable, hostile and neutral reception context, looking at Germany, Estonia and Canada. Like many other autocracies, Russia uses historical memories to appeal to the emotions of citizens at home and abroad and strengthen their sense of belonging to Russia. The project will make major academic contributions in three areas: 1) understanding the historical identification of young adults in migrant and non-migrant families with their parents? country of origin; 2) identifying when the memories of migrant and non-migrant families converge or diverge across generations; 3) determining what historical memories contribute to solidarity and pluralistic political attitudes. MoveMeRU entails a groundbreaking triangulation of methods: 1) parent-child opinion surveys on views on history among migrant communities and nationals in the three countries of destination and Russia; 2) cross-generational focus groups in the same countries; 3) analysis of historical narratives in media targeting Russian speakers abroad. The project will refine our understanding of differences and similarities in the intergenerational transmission of memories in migrant and non-migrant families, offering important insights into the drivers of and obstacles to integration. The results have major implications for political decision-making in countries of destination and for public awareness about intergenerational shifts within migrant communities.

The project offers a new interpretation of the societies of Ukraine and Moldova which seem to have settled into a lasting state of political and social instability at the very doors of the European Union. The originality of the project lies in looking at these societies not as peripheral versions of the European model but rather at the microsocial effects of the "in-between" position of these populations, caught between Western and Russian spheres of intervention. The project breaks with a widely held perception of these societies as cultural and historical "others." Instead it analyzes them from an actor-centered, grounded and relational perspective. The project pursues three objectives. On the empirical level, it offers a comprehensive reading of these societies from the study of everyday strategies in situations of high uncertainty when living "in between". It seeks to shed light on the ways in which actors orient their choices to meet their basic needs, engage in business, receive occupational training, or project themselves into the future despite the instability of existing geopolitical allegiances and political fields. On a theoretical level, the project mobilizes the concept of liminality in order to approach the French concept of "in-between space" and the German one of "Zwischenraum" from a dynamic perspective . Microsocial studies of these spaces are often rigidified by presentisms that miss local dynamics. This study will privilege creative movement, a locus where experiences and expectations are reshaped on the backdrop of changes in the political space. On the academic level, the project helps to de-compartimentalize French and German approaches in the field of Central-Eastern European studies. It develops transnational networks with the prospect of building a European research project. As part of its mission, it provides scientific training to young researchers. The research will collect original qualitative data (interviews, ethnographic observations, cartographic studies), integrating 3 partner-teams with a solid experience of such field research. Based on surveys carried out in 12 locations, it includes the separatist territories in Transnistria and in the border areas of the republics of Donetsk and Lugansk. The project will explore the imaginaries and strategies that different types of actors (ordinary inhabitants, market traders, entrepreneurs, parents of pupils, students) use to adapt (axis A) or to escape (axis B) the uncertainties of their liminal state. Axis C is transversal: it organizes the coordination and the promotion of research. This project aims for a better understanding of Ukrainian and Moldovan societies. This is necessary to adapted European neighborhood and migration policies. More broadly, it supports a pluralistic reflection by Europe about itself, its inhabitants, its history and its territories.